Thomas 7 is described as "from the marsh of Gazouros" (Θωμᾶν τὸν ἀπὸ λίμνης Γαζουροῦ): Theoph. Cont. I 1 (p. 7), cf. Genesius I 6. Described as a barbarian by race (τῷ γένει βάρβαρος ἦν): Theoph. Cont. II 11 (p. 53). He was of humble origins and lacked education: Theoph. Cont. II 19 (p. 70) (ἀνὴρ ἅτε δὴ οὐκ ἐκ λόγων καὶ παιδείας ὁρμώμενος, βαναύσου δέ τινος καὶ ἀγυρτικῆς ὁμιλίας), Zon. XV 22. 31 (ἦν δὲ ὁ Θωμᾶς οὗτος οὐ τῶν εὐπατριδῶν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν λίαν ἀσήμων καὶ τούτων βαρβάρων, καὶ ἀπορίᾳ σύντροφος τῇ ἐσχάτῃ, ὥστε καὶ δουλεύειν μισθοῦ). According to Scylitzes and Genesius he was of Armenian descent but lived in the vicinity of the marsh of Gazouros: Scyl., p. 9 (ἕλκοντα μὲν τὸ γένος ἐξ Ἀρμενίων, τὴν οἴκησιν δ' ἔχοντα κατὰ τὴν λίμνην τοῦ Γαζουροῦ), Genesius I 6 (τὸν ἀπὸ λίμνης Γαζουροῦ, καὶ αὐτὸν ἐξ Ἀρμενίων τὸ γένος κατάγοντα). In 813, according to Scylitzes, he was young and headstrong: Scyl., p. 13 (cited below). He is described in Genesius as brave and energetic (ἀνδρεῖον καὶ πολυπραγμονέστατον): Genesius I 6. There are two versions of his early career recorded in Theophanes Continuatus II 10 and 11. According to the first, he was of Slav origins; he came of poor and obscure parentage and was descended from persons of Slav origin who had settled in the East (ἐξ ἀσήμων τε γονέων καὶ πενιχρῶν, ἄλλως δὲ καὶ Σκλαβογενῶν, τῶν πολλάκις εγκισσευθέντων κατὰ τὴν Ἀνατολήν); to escape poverty and mend his fortunes he left home and travelled to Constantinople, where he took service under a person of high rank (τινι τῶν συγκλητικῶν; Anonymus 189); he became the lover of his employer's wife but was discovered and fled for refuge among the Arabs (φυγὰς πρὸς τοὺς ἐξ Ἄγαρ γίνεται); he was then aged twenty-five; he abandoned Christianity and over many years gave proofs of loyal service to the Arabs; finally he was given command of an army after he promised to defeat the Romans and subdue their empire to the Arabs; in order to win support in the empire itself he claimed to be none other than the former emperor Constantine VI (Konstantinos 8), the son of Eirene 1; he adopted a son and gave him the name Konstantios (Konstantios 1) and sent him with troops to invade the empire from one direction while he himself invaded from another; the date was allegedly late in the reign of the emperor Leo V (Leo 15); Leo 15 sent a force to meet him which was inadequate and which turned tail and fled at the first sight of Thomas 7's forces; this led to the downfall of Leo 15 and greatly encouraged Thomas 7: Theoph. Cont. II 10 (pp. 50-52). This is the first of the accounts of Thomas 7's career recorded in Theophanes Continuatus, and is the one favoured by the author of the work who claims documentary support for it (ᾧ καὶ ἐγὼ πείθομαι ἐξ ἐγγράφων τινῶν ἔχων τὸ βέβαιον): Theoph. Cont. II 10 (p. 50). This same version is also found in the chronicle tradition derived from Symeon the Logothete, except that the beginning of the revolt is not placed under the reign of the emperor Leo V (Leo 15). According to this tradition, Thomas 7 was supposedly a citizen of the empire, of humble parentage and an unknown (ἐκ γὰρ τῆς Ῥωμαίων γῆς ὁρμώμενος, δυσγενής τε καὶ ἀφανὴς ὤν, or similar), who went to Syria (then under Arab rule) and claimed to be the son of the empress Eirene 1, Konstantinos 8; Leo Gramm. 211-212, Georg. Mon. Cont. 784-788, Ps.-Symeon 621. The other account in Theophanes Continuatus does not differ as regards his name (and, presumably, origins) but is recorded in a separate historical tradition and is the one repeated in Theophanes Continuatus in other sections of the work. According to this, in 802 Thomas 7 was enrolled by Bardanes 3 into his bodyguard and his close staff, together with Michael 10 and Leo 15 (τοῖς ἑαυτοῦ δορυφόροις ... καὶ διακόνοις); they were all of humble origins but had recently caught the attention of military officers: Theoph. Cont. I 1 (p. 7) (cited under Leo 15). Their prospects depended on Bardanes 3; supposedly in 803 a monk at Philomelion (Anonymus 57) foretold to Bardanes 3 that Michael 10 and Leo 15 would become emperors but that Thomas 7, although he would be proclaimed emperor, would never secure the throne: Theoph. Cont. I 2 (pp. 7-8), Zon. XV 19. 9, 22. 25, Scyl., pp. 9-10, 13, Genesius I 6. When Bardanes 3 rebelled against the emperor Nikephoros 8 in 803, Thomas 7 alone stayed loyal to Bardanes and then accompanied him in flight to the monastery of Herakleios (at Kios in Bithynia) (see also Anonymus 182): Theoph. Cont. I 3 (p. 9), Scyl., p. 11, Genesius I 8. Later he is described as a contemporary of Leo 15 and a boon companion of his: Theoph. Cont. I 12 (p. 24) (cited below), cf. II 11 (p. 52) (τὸν τῷ Βαρδανίῳ μὲν πάλαι συνόντα, παρὰ τοῦ ἡγησαμένου δὲ Λέοντος τιμηθέντα), Genesius I 11 (cited below). He and Michael 10, on the other hand, seem to have been lifelong enemies; see below. He was made tourmarches of the foederati by Leo V (Leo 15), probably soon after Leo 15 became emperor in July 813 (cf. also Leo 15 and Manuel 1): Theoph. Cont. I 12 (p. 24) (Θωμᾶν δὲ τὸν ἑαυτοῦ διαφερόντως ὁμήλικα καὶ συμπαίστορα τῶν φοιδεράτων τουρμάρχην ἐγκαθιστᾷ), cf. Zon. XV 19. 12 (Θωμᾶν ... τουρμάρχην τοῦ τάγματος τῶν φοιδεράτων προεχειρίσατο), Scyl., p. 13 (Θωμᾶν μὲν ... ἄνδρα νέον καὶ ὁρμητίαν τουρμάρχην ἀνέδειξε τοῦ φοιδεράτων τάγματος), Genesius I 11 (Θωμᾶν τὸν ἑαυτοῦ ἡλικιώτην τουρμάρχην εἰς φοιβεράτους (sic) ἐπέστησεν). He was still commander of the foederati and in the Anatolikon theme in late 820 when he heard that Leo 15 had been murdered by Michael 10 (the date was 25 December): Theoph. Cont. II 11 (p. 52) (ὃς τὴν τῶν φοιδεράτων τηνικαῦτα διοικῶν ἀρχήν, κατὰ τὸν Ἀνατολικὸν ἐνδιατρίβων, ἐπεὶ τὸν Μιχαὴλ ἄρτι διήκουεν ἀνῃρηκότα τὸν Λέοντα), Zon. XV 22. 26 (ἄρχων καταστὰς τοῦ τάγματος τῶν φοιδεράτων παρὰ τοῦ Λέοντος).

Leader of a rebellion against the emperor Michael II (Michael 10): Theoph. Cont. II 9 (p. 50), Leo Gramm. 211-212, Georg. Mon. Cont. 784-788, Ps.-Symeon 621, Zon. XV 22. 26. The rebellion is described at some length by the author of book two of Theophanes Continuatus, and in Zon. XV 22-23. Thomas 7 acquired the resources for his revolt by winning over to his side the collectors of public taxes; he was then able to display great generosity and to build up his forces and win support, using a mixture of cajolery, promises and threats; he terrified many cities of Asia Minor into submission and others that resisted were captured with violence and bloodshed; eventually only the themata of the Opsikion and the Armeniakon, under Katakylas 1 and Olbianos 3 respectively, held out against him and for the emperor Michael II (Michael 10): Theoph. Cont. II 11 (p. 53), Zon. XV 22. 26, 22. 35-36. The Arabs sought to take advantage of the situation to attack unopposed by land and sea; Thomas 7 turned to them and made peace and an alliance with them, undertaking to surrender to their control the frontier regions of the empire; he was then proclaimed emperor and crowned (στέφους μεταλαγχάνει καὶ αὐτοκράτωρ ἀναγορεύεται) by the patriarch of Antioch, Iakobos (Iob 1), and added large contingents of foreign peoples to his army, listed as not only Arabs, but Egyptians, Indians, Persians, Assyrians, Armenians, Chaldeans, Iberians, Zichians, Kabeirians and "all the followers of Manes" (presumably the Paulicians); he now changed his name (he perhaps asserted his identity with the son of Eirene 1 and took the name Konstantinos) and adopted a son (ἄριστον ὑπετόπασε τοῖς τρόποις καὶ τὴν κλῆσιν ἀλλάξασθαι καὶ υἱὸν εἰσποιήσασθαι): Theoph. Cont. II 12 (pp. 54-55), Zon. XV 22. 27-30. 32. He overran the East and overwhelmed all opposition; the emperor Michael 10, underestimating the danger, sent a force against him which was inadequate and which he quickly routed; Thomas 7 also prepared warships and transports for grain and horses, and gained control of the thematic fleet (τοῦ θεματικοῦ στόλου γίνεται ἐγκρατής) (presumably the fleet of the Kibyrrhaiotai); he sent his whole fleet to Lesbos while he himself, commanding a united force of eighty thousand men and appearing irresistible, marched through the district of Asia, plundering as he went, en route for Abydos, where he planned to cross over into Thrace; untroubled by an incident in which his adopted son was surprised and killed (see Konstantios 1) Thomas 7 went ahead with his plans and successfully transported his forces over to Thrace, crossing at a place called Horkosion; Michael 10 had attempted to rally support in Thrace, but Thomas 7's forces appeared to many too numerous to resist, and as he advanced against Constantinople, into which Michael 10 had withdrawn, Thomas 7 was joined by large numbers of people: Theoph. Cont. II 13 (pp. 55-57), Zon. XV 22. 33-36, 23. 1. He sent Gregorios 71 Pterotos with ten thousand troops and the fleet ahead against Constantinople while he himself made preparations for an assault on the city; he prepared siege engines and adopted another son to share his rising, Anastasios 23; he then advanced on the city, expecting that the sight of his huge forces and the citizens' own hatred of Michael 10 would induce them to open the gates to him; instead he was met with insults and abuse; Thomas pitched his tent and made camp near the domus of Paulinus and the Church of the Anargyroi and sent detachments out as far as the Euxine and Hieron and to fortresses beyond to win them to his side and to ensure that he had no enemies in his rear: Theoph. Cont. II 14 (pp. 58-59), Zon. XV 23. 2-5. He now spent a few days in making his final preparations, but during this time he observed the emperor Michael II, the emperor's son Theophilos 5 and the clergy of the city invoking the help of heaven and supposedly began to grow disheartened; he therefore put his trust in the size of his forces and launched a major assault on the city; he sent his son to attack the land walls, his fleet to attack the sea walls and himself led his main forces with the siege engines in an assault on the walls at Blachernai; the attack was a total failure, partly through the determination of the defenders, partly through a violent storm which scattered his fleet but also, it is said, through the inability of the attackers to make the best use of their siege equipment; he was therefore forced to withdraw and because the season was late and winter at hand he had to retreat into winter quarters; this failure damaged his reputation and weakened support for him: Theoph. Cont. II 14 (pp. 59-61), Zon. XV 23. 6-7.

The following spring he resumed his attack on Constantinople by land and sea, concentrating again on Blachernai; attempts by the emperor Michael 10 to persuade Thomas's men to desert failed, but Thomas 7 was taken by surprise by a sudden sally from the city and suffered a defeat; he also lost his fleet, which apparently panicked in the face of the emperor's ships; the sailors beached the ships to escape, some deserting to the emperor and others fleeing back to rejoin Thomas 7; the failure of his large and well-manned fleet damaged his cause: Theoph. Cont. II 15 (pp. 61-62), Zon. XV 23. 8-14. His reputation was by now in rapid decline and his lack of judgement grew more apparent; in addition he was now drinking heavily: Theoph. Cont. II 16 (p. 62). In this situation Gregorios 71 Pterotos entered into negotiations with the emperor Michael 10 and led some of his troops away to attack Thomas 7 in the rear; Thomas 7 however was aware of this and, without breaking up his camp near the city, led a sufficient force against Gregorios 71 to defeat him; he then captured Gregorios when he fled and had him executed; Thomas 7 now circulated a letter announcing this success as a great victory and he also now summoned the fleet from Hellas to join him as soon as possible; this fleet put in at the harbour of Byrida in Thrace where the emperor's fleet took it by surprise, captured many of the ships with their crews and burned many others; the few that escaped made their way to join Thomas 7 at Blachernai; meanwhile the fighting on land consisted of skirmishes and excursions from the city which were indecisive, as the emperor's forces were numerically inferior and Thomas 7's men were still well-equipped and enjoyed the use of cavalry: Theoph. Cont. II 16 (pp. 63-64), Zon. XV 23. 14-16. The situation was changed when a large Bulgar army, led by their king Mortagon (Omurtag 1) invaded Roman territory and moved against Thomas 7; rather than take the risk of dividing his forces Thomas withdrew his whole army from Constantinople and went to encounter the Bulgars at Kedouktos in Thrace; in the ensuing battle Thomas 7 was completely defeated and his forces scattered; Thomas 7 fled to a place of safety and tried to reassemble his forces, while Omurtag 1 withdrew home with large numbers of prisoners and a great quantity of booty; Thomas 7's remaining fleet then deserted to the emperor (Michael 10); he succeeded in reassembling his forces and led them back to the vicinity of Constantinople where he plundered and pillaged the neighbourhood but avoided moving as close to the city as previously; the emperor Michael 10 then led out against him an army of considerable size and they joined battle; Thomas 7 attempted a tactical withdrawal, expecting Michael's army to break ranks in pursuit, but the emperor's army remained in battle array while in pursuit and the soldiers of Thomas's army retreated now in genuine flight and were scattered in all directions; many deserted to join the emperor (Michael 10), others fled with Thomas 7 as far as Adrianople, where they made a stand, and others fled with Anastasios 23 as far as the fortress of Bizye; this took place in the third year of the revolt (giving the date as 823): Theoph. Cont. II 17-18 (pp. 65-68), Zon. XV 23. 17-24.

Michael 10 laid siege to Adrianople with the intent of starving the defenders into surrender; Thomas 7 forced all unnecessary persons to leave in order to reduce the number of mouths to feed but conditions grew very bad and his men began to escape and desert; finally the starving survivors opened negotiations with Michael 10 and surrendered the city, handing Thomas 7 over to the emperor; Michael 10 first placed a foot on his neck in token of his defeat, then had his hands and feet cut off and paraded him on a donkey in mockery; however, when he attempted to question Thomas 7 about his supporters, Ioannes 81 Hexaboulios intervened to prevent Thomas 7 from creating chaos among the emperor's supporters by naming all and sundry; Thomas 7 died, slowly, of his sufferings, around the middle of October (in 823): Theoph. Cont. II 19 (pp. 68-70), Zon. XV 23. 24-28.

The author of Theophanes Continuatus summed up his rebellion; in the early days, when he faced difficulties and was far from achieving his ends, he was strong and vigorous and his deeds matched his words; later, after he had occupied Asia and crossed into Thrace, he became less effective and achieved less and also gave himself up more and more to drunkenness and lechery; the author comments that he came of lowly origins and was uneducated (cited above) and so was unable to contain himself when he at first achieved success: Theoph. Cont. II 19 (p. 70).

The chronicle tradition gives a sketchier account of his rebellion. Once he had gathered a large army made up of Romans and barbarians, he attacked the empire, beginning in the east, with the aim of seizing the imperial throne; he besieged Constantinople and ravaged (ἐπόρθει) the outskirts for a year before withdrawing into Thrace; there the emperor Michael 10 defeated and captured him and had him mutilated before he was put to death; the civil war had lasted for three years: Leo Gramm. 211-212, Georg. Mon. Cont. 784-788, Ps.-Symeon 621. According to Georg. Mon. Cont. 788 the emperor invoked the help of the Bulgars against him; he withdrew from Constantinople and fought and defeated them, before withdrawing into Arkadiopolis for safety; many supporters, including relatives, began to desert his cause; the city was surrounded by an imperial army and Thomas soon surrendered; he was then humiliated, mutilated and crucified.

His rebellion and the civil war are alluded to also in Vita Petr. Atr. 36, 39, Vita Petr. Atr. Retractata 54 (p. 113) (see Zacharias 7 and Anonymus 60) and in Vita Nic. Stud. 900A (τοῦ λαοπλάνου Θωμᾶ κατὰ τῆς οἰκουμένης λυττήσαντος). Measures against his supporters were taken in Pamphylia by the ek prosopou Antonios 12 (in 823): Vita Anton. Iun. (BHG 142) 12ff., 31.

His revolt is also described in some detail by Genesius. Soon after Michael II (Michael 10) became emperor, Thomas 7 rebelled; they were old enemies; in contrast to Michael 10, Thomas 7 was popular in the Anatolic theme, because of his courage and his amiability; he was regarded as the equal of Leo V (Leo 15) in spite of his Scythian origin, his age and a limp (εἰ καὶ σκυθίζων τῷ γένει, πρὸς δὲ καὶ γηραιὸς ὤν, τὸν πὸδα πεπήρωτο); he seized the local tax-collectors and confiscated the taxes which he then used to pay for his campaigns against Michael 10; he had universal support in Asia Minor apart from the Armeniakon and the Opsikion, under Olbianos 3 and Katakylas 1 respectively; he also made peace with the Saracens who were using the opportunity to raid, and with the caliph's approval (cf. al-Ma'mun 1) was crowned emperor by the patriarch of Antioch, Iob 1; with many nations of the East supporting him he overran the East, invaded Thrace and laid siege to Constantinople; failing to take it he resorted to naval tactics but was defeated, by the use of Greek fire: Genesius II 2. His revolt lasted for three years; it was prefigured by heavenly portents during the reign of the emperor Leo V (Leo 15): Genesius II 3. A rebel (ὁ μουλτίων), born in a poor place (ἐκ πατρίδος οἰκτρᾶς) and in obscurity, he went to Constantinople to mend his fortunes; associated with the patrikios Bardanes 3, he was accused of adultery by him and convicted, although he was allegedly put up to it by the emperor Nikephoros 8 who resented Bardanes 3; to evade punishment he fled to Syria where he renounced Christianity; he remained there for fifteen years and then gave out that he was really Constantine VI (Konstantinos 8), the son of Leo IV (Leo 4) and Eirene 1; he persuaded the Saracens to support him with money and troops, promising to subject to them the Roman empire; obtaining their support he attacked the empire; he adopted a semi-barbarian as his son and named him Konstantios 1 and sent him with some of the troops into Roman territory; the then emperor Leo V (Leo 15) sent an inadequate force against him and this was defeated, leaving Thomas 7 free to overrun the East: Genesius II 4. He brought under his control the whole Roman fleet, except the Imperial one (the basilikon ploïmon), and prepared it for war, ordering it to Lesbos to await him; then with a huge army he came to the straits between Sestos and Abydos, and ordered his adopted son, the pseudo-Konstantios (Konstantios 1), to take a large number of troops and overrun the rest of the territory; the capture and execution of Konstantios 1 did not deter him; he assembled his ships and one moonless night crossed over into Thrace; he found most of Thrace willing to submit to him; the emperor (Michael 10), after leading a small expedition against him, withdrew into Constantinople and prepared for a siege; he made Gregorios 71 commander of a large section of his troops and sent him ahead against Constantinople; he also sent his fleet in, to make the attack by land and sea; he himself soon arrived with the remaining troops; he adopted Anastasios 23 as his son, and began the assault on the city: Genesius II 5. He attacked at the Golden Horn, where his ships were defeated and many men deserted, among them Gregorios 71; he attacked and killed Gregorios 71, who had gone to his rear, and then returned to attack the city; he acquired more ships but they were destroyed by Michael 10 using Greek fire: Genesius II 6. When the Bulgars under Mortagon (Omurtag 1) attacked he withdrew his troops from Constantinople to meet him; his own fleet deserted to Michael 10; he was defeated in battle by the Bulgars: Genesius II 7. He gathered his scattered forces at Diabasis and made that his centre for operations against the surrounding villages; the emperor (Michael 10) came against him and defeated him in battle and he took refuge in Arkadiopolis; the emperor laid siege to Arkadiopolis and planned to starve it into submission; many deserted Thomas 7 or escaped to join Anastasios 23 in Bizye; finally he was delivered to Michael 10 and executed, having been prevented from naming supporters among Michael 10's following by Ioannes Hexaboulios; his death came in mid October: Genesius II 8.

A Roman, the son of Musamar, he went to Harun al-Rashid (Harun 1) and claimed to be the son of the emperor Constantine; Harun 1 was unconvinced but treated him with all due honour: Bar Hebr., p. 121 ("a certain Rhomaye, whose name was Taoma, the son of Musamar"). He was later sent by the caliph al-Ma'mun 1 with an army against Constantinople; he besieged the city for six months but was then defeated and fled to a fortress; there he was captured and after his hands and feet were cut off he was impaled on a spear: Bar Hebr., p. 129. The date implied by the narrative is in the years 1133 or 1134 Sel. (821/823). The chronology appears to be the following. The revolt which lasted three years, began in 821; in 822, when Thomas 7 had secured most of Asia he crossed to Thrace and laid siege to Constantinople, retiring into winter quarters in late 822 and returning to the attack in spring 823; his final defeat was in late summer or autumn and he died in the middle of October.

Among his attendants and loyal followers the names of Choireas 1 and Gazarenos 1 are known: Theoph. Cont. II 20 (pp. 71-72). Thomas 7 suffered from a damaged leg and at the time of the rebellion he had grey hair; physically he was a very fine figure of a man and his approachability and ease of manner had made him since childhood very popular with the troops: Theoph. Cont. II 11 (p. 53). He led a rebellion against Michael II (Michael 10) for three years: Const. Porph., DAI 22, 42ff. His revolt and capture are mentioned in the Lives of Theodore the Stoudite: Vita A Theod. Stud. 221C, Vita B Theod. Stud. 317D, 320A, Vita C Theod. Stud. §73, p. 300 (Θωμᾶς ἐκεῖνος ὁ τύραννος). He was a supporter of the veneration of icons: Vita B Theod. Stud. 320A. See also references in Acta Davidis, Symeonis et Georgii (BHG 494) 231, 26-232, 19; 237, 1-3; and Mart. XLII Amor., BHG 1214, cap. 11, pp. 28-30. See further ODB II 2079 with references.

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